Proud, scared and conflicted. What China Protesters Told Me

They attended their first demonstrations.
They chanted their first protest slogans.
They had their first encounters with the police.
A protest that drew crowds and a heavy police presence in Shanghai on November 27, 2022. The New York Times.
Then they returned home, trembling with disbelief for having challenged the world’s most powerful authoritarian government and the toughest leader China has seen in decades.
Chinese youth are protesting against the harsh policy of “zero-COVID” of the country and even urging its highest leader, Xi Jinpingto which he resigns.
It’s something China hasn’t seen since 1989, when the ruling Communist Party brutally cracked down on pro-democracy protesters, mostly university students.
Regardless of what happens in the coming days and weeks, the young protesters represent a new threat for the Xi government, which has eliminated his political opponents and suppressed any voice that challenges his rule.
Such public dissent was unimaginable until a few days ago.
These same youngsters, when mentioning Xi online, used euphemisms like “X,” “he,” or “that person,” fearing even to utter the president’s name.
They endured everything the government threw at them: harsh pandemic restrictions, high unemployment rates, fewer books available to read, movies to watch, and games to play.
Then, something cracked.
After nearly three long years of “zero-COVID,” which has become a political campaign for Xi, China’s future looks increasingly bleak.
The economy is in its worst moment in decades.
Xi’s foreign policy has alienated many countries.
His policy of censorship, in addition to stifling challenges to his authority, has killed most of the fun.
As a popular post said Weibo, Chinese get by on books published 20 years ago, music released a decade ago, travel photos from five years ago, income earned last year, frozen dumplings from a lockdown three months ago, COVID-19 tests from yesterday and a freshly baked Soviet joke from today.
“I think all this has reached a turning point,” said Miranda, a Shanghai journalist who participated in the protest on Saturday night.
“If nothing is done about it, it could really explode.”
In recent days, in interviews with more than a dozen young people who protested in Shanghai, Beijing, Nanjing, Chengdu, Guangzhou and Wuhan, I have heard of an outburst of suppressed anger and frustration at the way the government is conducting the “zero-COVID”.
But his anger and despair go further, to questioning Xi’s rule.
Two of these people said they do not plan to have children, a new form of protest among Chinese youth when Beijing is encouraging more births.
At least four of the protesters said they planned to emigrate.
One of them refused to look for work after being fired by a video game company following a government crackdown on the industry last year.
They came to the protests because they wanted to let the government know how they felt about being constantly tested, locked in their apartments, or cut off from their family and friends in the COVID-19 web.
And they wanted to show their solidarity with his fellow protesters.
They are members of a generation known as the children of Xi
the nationalist “little roses” defending China on Weibo, Facebook and Twitter.
The protesters represent a small percentage of Chinese in their 20s and 30s.
By standing up to the government, they challenged the perception of their generation.
Some older Chinese said the protesters made them feel more hope about the future of the country.
Zhang Wenmin, a former investigative journalist who goes by the pseudonym Jiang Xue, wrote on Twitter that she had been moved to tears by the bravery of the protesters.
“It’s hard for people who haven’t lived in China in the last three or four years to imagine the fear these people have had to overcome to go out on the streets, to shout:
‘Give me freedom or give me death,’” he wrote. “Incredible. I love everyone.”
Being their first time marching, most didn’t know what to expect.
A Beijing protester said she had been so tense that she felt physically and emotionally drained the next day.
More than one person told me that they needed a day to collect their thoughts before they could speak.
At least three cried in our interviews.
They are proud, scared, and in conflict with their experiences.
They have different opinions about how politically explicit their slogans should be, but they all said that shouting the slogans was cathartic.
Miranda, who has been a journalist for eight years, said she couldn’t stop crying when she chanted “freedom of expression” and “freedom of the press” with the crowd.
“It was the freest moment since I became a journalist,” he said, his voice cracking.
All the people I interviewed asked me to use only their first name, their last name or their name in English to protect their safety.
They had felt relative safety marching with other people a few days before, but none dared to put their names to the comments that would be published.
The slogans they remembered to chant were everywhere, illustrating the widespread frustration of their lives.
“End of lockdown!” “Freedom of expression!”
“Give me back my movies!”
Many of them were surprised at how political Saturday’s protest in Shanghai turned out.
They were just as surprised, if not more, when more people returned on Sunday to demand the release of protesters who had been detained hours earlier.
The six Shanghai protesters I spoke to thought they were going to a vigil Saturday night for the 10 victims who died in a fire Thursday in Urumqi, the capital of western China’s Xinjiang region.
At first, the atmosphere was relaxed.
When someone first chanted “No More Communist Party,” the crowd laughed, according to Serena, a university student spending her gap year in Shanghai.
“Everybody knew it was the red line“, said.
Then the atmosphere became more and more charged.
When someone yelled “Xi Jinping, resign!” and “CPC, resign!” the screams were the loudest, according to Serena and other protesters who were also there.
In Beijing, a 25-year-old marketer surnamed Wu told her fellow protesters not to shout such politically explicit slogans because it would guarantee a crackdown.
Instead, he chanted slogans urging the government to follow the rule of law and release detained Shanghai protesters.
A protester from Chengdu and another from Guangzhou, separated by 1,600 kilometers, said they had been prevented from shouting slogans that other protesters considered too political and told to stick to the demands related to COVID-19.
For many of them, this weekend was their first brush with the police.
A protester named Xiaoli in Chengdu said she had never seen so many police officers in her life.
After being chased by them, she said she could hear her heartbeat as she passed officers on her way home.
It was clear that many protesters blamed Xi for the unpopular “zero-COVID” policy.
A young professional from Shanghai, surnamed Zhang, said Xi’s rule-breaking third term, won at last month’s party congress, spelled the end of China’s progress.
“We have all given up ours illusions“, said.
He cried when mentioning an old man’s question during this year’s lockdown in Shanghai:
“Why has our country come to this?”
Zhang, who said he grew up poor in a village, welcomed the government’s help with his education.
“I thought we were just going to move up,” he added.
The young protesters are very contradictory about the impact of their actions.
They feel powerless to change the system as long as Xi and the Communist Party are in power.
They believe that many people in the public supported them because the inflexible rules of COVID-19 have violated what they consider to be basic norms of Chinese society.
Once the government flexibilice politics, they worry that public support for the protests will evaporate.
At the same time, some of them argued that their protests would cause the public to be aware of their rights.
No one knows what the protests will turn into:
at a point in history or in a footnote.
The official state media have remained silent, although some pro-government bloggers on social media have pointed to the “foreign forces”.
Police have strengthened their presence on the streets and have called or visited protesters in an attempt to intimidate them.
I asked Bruce, a Shanghai finance worker in his 20s, whether the protests meant people had changed their minds about Xi.
He replied: “Probably not because public opinion has changed, but because those who are critical of him have spoken.”
Filed under: Uncategorized | Leave a comment »
You must be logged in to post a comment.