• Pragerisms

    For a more comprehensive list of Pragerisms visit
    Dennis Prager Wisdom.

    • "The left is far more interested in gaining power than in creating wealth."
    • "Without wisdom, goodness is worthless."
    • "I prefer clarity to agreement."
    • "First tell the truth, then state your opinion."
    • "Being on the Left means never having to say you're sorry."
    • "If you don't fight evil, you fight gobal warming."
    • "There are things that are so dumb, you have to learn them."
  • Liberalism’s Seven Deadly Sins

    • Sexism
    • Intolerance
    • Xenophobia
    • Racism
    • Islamophobia
    • Bigotry
    • Homophobia

    A liberal need only accuse you of one of the above in order to end all discussion and excuse himself from further elucidation of his position.

  • Glenn’s Reading List for Die-Hard Pragerites

    • Bolton, John - Surrender is not an Option
    • Bruce, Tammy - The Thought Police; The New American Revolution; The Death of Right and Wrong
    • Charen, Mona - DoGooders:How Liberals Hurt Those They Claim to Help
    • Coulter, Ann - If Democrats Had Any Brains, They'd Be Republicans; Slander
    • Dalrymple, Theodore - In Praise of Prejudice; Our Culture, What's Left of It
    • Doyle, William - Inside the Oval Office
    • Elder, Larry - Stupid Black Men: How to Play the Race Card--and Lose
    • Frankl, Victor - Man's Search for Meaning
    • Flynn, Daniel - Intellectual Morons
    • Fund, John - Stealing Elections
    • Friedman, George - America's Secret War
    • Goldberg, Bernard - Bias; Arrogance
    • Goldberg, Jonah - Liberal Fascism
    • Herson, James - Tales from the Left Coast
    • Horowitz, David - Left Illusions; The Professors
    • Klein, Edward - The Truth about Hillary
    • Mnookin, Seth - Hard News: Twenty-one Brutal Months at The New York Times and How They Changed the American Media
    • Morris, Dick - Because He Could; Rewriting History
    • O'Beirne, Kate - Women Who Make the World Worse
    • Olson, Barbara - The Final Days: The Last, Desperate Abuses of Power by the Clinton White House
    • O'Neill, John - Unfit For Command
    • Piereson, James - Camelot and the Cultural Revolution: How the Assassination of John F. Kennedy Shattered American Liberalism
    • Prager, Dennis - Think A Second Time
    • Sharansky, Natan - The Case for Democracy
    • Stein, Ben - Can America Survive? The Rage of the Left, the Truth, and What to Do About It
    • Steyn, Mark - America Alone
    • Stephanopolous, George - All Too Human
    • Thomas, Clarence - My Grandfather's Son
    • Timmerman, Kenneth - Shadow Warriors
    • Williams, Juan - Enough: The Phony Leaders, Dead-End Movements, and Culture of Failure That Are Undermining Black America--and What We Can Do About It
    • Wright, Lawrence - The Looming Tower



The Parents’ Revolt

Activists’ attempts to impose critical race theory and gender ideology in public education have sparked a nationwide backlash.

Nate Hochman from the City Journal

The Social Order

In June 2021, videos of an incensed middle-aged white man getting dragged out of a Loudoun County Public Schools building in handcuffs, lips bleeding and belly exposed, played on repeat in the national media. Forty-eight-year-old Scott Smith, a Leesburg native, had attended the meeting, alongside hundreds of other parents, to protest the adoption of a new “transgender-affirming” policy proposal in the Northern Virginia school district. His arrest came to symbolize the angry, parent-led school board revolts about radical race and gender curricula sweeping the nation, though journalists typically told the story from the perspective of teachers and school administrators, not the mothers and fathers opposing them. “School board meetings, usually one of the most mundane examples of local democracy in action, have exploded with vitriol across the country in recent months,” NPR reported gravely. “School leaders are scared.” 

Smith, a plumber, was the perfect foil for the media narrative about the grassroots parents’ movement. The conventional wisdom among elites—embraced by mainstream journalists, teachers’ unions, and Democratic politicians—held that bigotry and white rage drove the parental protests. “A white parent shouting at a school-board meeting because they don’t want their child learning the truth about racial inequality isn’t as blatant as the violence carried out by the Klan,” Slate’s Julia Craven complained. “But it is motivated by the same desire to protect whiteness, its stature, and the privilege it bestows.”

But Smith was no crazed white supremacist. He leaned conservative, but he and his wife were “gay- and lesbian-friendly” and “didn’t really follow politics until the last few years,” he told the Daily Wire in October. His fury at the June school board meeting was personal: on May 28, his 15-year-old daughter had been raped in a girls’ bathroom at the school by a boy who entered it wearing a dress. School officials assured parents that the allegations—which included two counts of forcible sodomy, one count of anal sodomy, and one count of forcible fellatio, and were corroborated by evidence from a rape kit—would be handled “internally.” What that meant was that the offender was moved to a different school, where he proceeded to assault another girl.

That was the context surrounding Smith’s appearance at the June school board meeting. To Smith’s dismay, the same administrators who had buried his daughter’s assault were pressing for a “rights of transgender and gender-expansive students” policy that would mandate access to school bathrooms based on “gender identity,” not biological sex. And when the bathroom rape was raised at the meeting, the Loudoun County Public Schools (LCPS) superintendent rubbed salt on Smith’s wound: “We have no records of any assaults occurring in our restrooms,” he insisted, waving away the allegation as a “red herring.” “We’ve heard it several times tonight from our public speakers, but the predator transgender student or person simply does not exist.”

In a horrendous inversion of justice, Smith wound up prosecuted as a criminal himself. When, in a moment of emotion, he verbally berated an activist in the crowd—a woman who had approached him during the meeting, saying that she was going to “ruin your business on social media” as retribution for his allegations about his daughter’s assault—he was arrested and banned from the school board building. (Police had earlier detained Smith for making a scene at the school the day that his daughter was raped; when he yelled at the principal for insisting on handling the assault in-house, six cop cars arrived to remove him from school premises.) Soon after, the county’s top prosecutor—a George Soros–funded district attorney with close ties to the progressives on the Loudoun County school board—showed up in court to try to put Smith behind bars for his misdemeanor “disorderly conduct” charge. It was unprecedented. “It is incredibly unusual for a disorderly conduct case to even go forward,” Smith’s attorney told the Daily Wire. “The idea that they would actually be seeking jail time, I’d guess in my 15 years the number of times I’ve seen that happen would be zero.”

Smith’s story may not have gotten attention if it weren’t for the national political environment. School administrators and their allies in local political bureaucracies were used to getting their way. Terry McAuliffe’s now-infamous remark during a 2021 Virginia gubernatorial debate—“I don’t think parents should be telling schools what they should teach”—put it bluntly. Parents weren’t supposed to get involved; it wasn’t their place. The shock-and-awe campaign against Smith was a warning: don’t get in our way—or else.

Since its inception at the turn of the twentieth century, the progressive movement has seen the public school system as a potent tool for its political ambitions. Writing in 1930, progressive theorist John Dewey derided the pedagogy of his day as narrow-minded and visionless, arguing that “the traditional schools have almost wholly evaded consideration of the social potentialities of education.” But that was “no reason why progressive schools should continue the evasion,” he continued. Instead, he wrote in a subsequent essay, schools should “take an active part in directing social change and share in the construction of a new social order”; progressives should “make the schools their ally,” encouraging “the youth who go forth from the schools to take part in the great work of construction and organization that will have to be done.”

That activist orientation toward education—in which educators mold students into “agents of change”—radicalized with the rise of the neo-Marxist “critical pedagogy” movement in the late 1960s. Paulo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1968), largely credited as critical pedagogy’s founding document, called for “a pedagogy which must be forged with, not for, the oppressed,” making “oppression and its causes objects of reflection by the oppressed.” Only then, Freire wrote, would beleaguered subjects be capable of “their necessary engagement in the struggle for their liberation.” Moving beyond Dewey’s reformism, Freire saw education as a way to propagate a revolutionary consciousness—a “process of permanent liberation,” through which “the culture of domination is culturally confronted . . . through the change in the way the oppressed perceive the world of oppression” and “the expulsion of the myths created and developed in the old order, which like specters haunt the new structure emerging from the revolutionary transformation.” In other words: critical pedagogy seeks the radical delegitimization of existing institutions and mores, encouraging students to be actively hostile toward everything about the society that they inherit.

“In a school in a suburb of Portland, Oregon, eight- and nine-year-olds were shown videos telling them that they were ‘racist.’”

Freire’s ideas now pervade American education. “Since the publication of the English edition in 1970, Pedagogy of the Oppressed has achieved near-iconic status in America’s teacher-training programs,” Sol Stern wrote in a 2009 City Journal essay. “In 2003, David Steiner and Susan Rozen published a study examining the curricula of 16 schools of education—14 of them among the top-ranked institutions in the country, according to U.S. News & World Report—and found that Pedagogy of the Oppressed was one of the most frequently assigned texts in their philosophy of education courses.”

The results are visible from graduate schools to kindergarten classrooms. As the reporting of Christopher F. Rufo for City Journal has documented, examples like these abound: in California, the Board of Education’s proposed Ethnic Studies Curriculum included lesson plans encouraging students to chant to the Aztec god of human sacrifice, asking him to grant them the power to be “warriors” for “social justice.” Third-graders in the state were told that they lived in a “dominant culture” of “white, middle class, cisgender, educated, able-bodied, Christian, English speakers” and told to rank themselves according to their “power and privilege.” In a school in a suburb of Portland, Oregon, eight- and nine-year-olds were subjected to videos telling them that “of course” they were “racist” and that “the idea that somehow this blanket of ideas has fallen on everyone’s head except for yours is magical thinking and it’s useless.” Rather than “affirm the status quo of certain bodies being allowed resources, access, opportunities, and other bodies being literally killed,” the students were instructed to embrace “revolution,” “resistance,” and “liberation.”

Even in the deepest-red areas of the country, school boards often fall under the control of Freirites. In Frederick County, a northern Maryland area that has gone Republican in every presidential election but two since 1940, the school district formed a “Racial Equity Committee,” charged with “identifying discrimination or harassment, raising awareness of implicit bias, and eliminating or mitigating racial inequity or its effects across the entire school system.” The committee immediately set about attempting to push the school to teach American history “through an equity lens.” In Lansing, Kansas—an 11,000-person city in a county that has voted Republican by double digits in every presidential election since 2000—parents objecting to the implementation of critical race theory–based training for faculty and staff found themselves derided as right-wing extremists by local school officials. A left-wing activist campaign even led to a CRT-critical school board candidate, a 62-year-old, getting fired from her job of 42 years.

After the rape of a female student, concerned parents in Loudoun County, Virginia, spoke out against the school policy of allowing transgender-identifying boys to use girls’ bathrooms. (ANDREW CABALLERO-REYNOLDS/AFP/GETTY IMAGES)
After the rape of a female student, concerned parents in Loudoun County, Virginia, spoke out against the school policy of allowing transgender-identifying boys to use girls’ bathrooms. (ANDREW CABALLERO-REYNOLDS/AFP/GETTY IMAGES)

For the past half-century, the culture war has been less a battle of equals than a story of David and Goliath. From same-sex marriage to school prayer, the appetite for social transformation unleashed in the 1960s has grown in power with every victory. “History” was supposed to move in only one direction, with the advocates of liberation confident that they were on the right side.

So the fierceness of the recent backlash to CRT and gender ideology in schools took the public education bureaucracy by surprise. The parental uprisings were the bill coming due for the activist agenda that had swept through public education in recent years. As the Black Lives Matter movement marched through American life in 2020, school boards—already dominated by progressives—redoubled their commitments to the most extreme pedagogical concepts involving race and gender, without pausing to consult parents. In response, parents across the country began emerging as a formidable political force. Moms and dads suddenly were signing petitions, holding protests, and demanding answers from a school system grown accustomed to operating without parental scrutiny. In lieu of bake sales and library drives, parents were pulling together to lobby for curricular change.

Some, like Tiffany Justice, even ran for school board seats themselves. Justice, a mother of four, originally won a seat on Florida’s Indian River County school board in 2016, well before the current school battles. Justice’s struggle against the education system was initially just about basic quality-of-life issues. But Justice soon “got a real look at what happens” in local school bureaucracies: “Oftentimes the people who worked within the district or ran the school board had all these relationships that kept them from doing what was best for kids. I would go into the executive bargaining sessions, and the teachers’ union would bargain for the teachers. The district would bargain for the district system. Who was bargaining for the parents and the kids?”

In January 2021, Justice cofounded Moms for Liberty, with Tina Descovich, another mother serving on a school board in a neighboring county. The 501(c)4 “started with two chapters—one in my county, one in Tina’s county,” Justice says. “Within three weeks, we had a call from Nassau, New York—it was a Long Island mom who called us and said, ‘I want to start a Moms for Liberty chapter.’ ” From there, the movement spread. Now, Justice says, “we have over 200 chapters in 37 states.”

For decades, American public education had continued to press left, largely without organized opposition. But in 2020, something broke. That year, “two simultaneous phenomena occurred,” Rufo says. “First, you had the pandemic, which shut down schools and made classrooms virtual, so parents could have a really close look at what was being transmitted to their kids.” And second, he continues, “after the death of George Floyd, you had this universal spasm through all of our institutions, which were tripping over themselves trying to adopt the left-wing racial ideology. A lot of these more radical educators—whether they’re in the Diversity, Equity and Inclusion departments of K–12 public schools, or actually in the classroom—saw that as their greatest opportunity in decades to start promoting those left-wing racialist ideologies throughout the education system.” Parents “hit the panic button,” says Rufo.

Justice agrees. “During Covid, we saw an expert class that failed us,” she says. “It’s very hard when you’re a parent, and you’ve chosen a direction for your child’s education, to admit that what you’ve chosen isn’t working. But parents, all of a sudden, saw all of these people whom they had trusted failing their kids. And then they were emboldened to ask more questions.”

The parents’ movement had another powerful tool at its disposal: social media. Videos of parents giving impassioned speeches at school board meetings routinely went viral last year. One Virginia mother, Stacy Langton, was banned from her district’s school library after she was shown, in a widely circulated video, confronting the Fairfax County school board over the presence of the sexually explicit graphic novel Gender Queer on the library’s shelves. But the district’s harsh crackdown against Langton only served to make her—and the movement she represented—more sympathetic. “The only weapon I have at my disposal, to try to force them to do the right thing, is to continue to apply the pressure publicly,” Langton tells me. “And that’s the thing I think that parents need to take from my example and the example of other parents who have gone to these school board meetings. There’s so much value in simply showing up and saying your piece—because look at what’s happened since last September. Who would have thought, when I went there on September 23, that we would be having a national conversation about gender ideology in schools six or eight months later?”

These days, Langton says, “parents randomly reach out to me on Twitter. I get so many comments and remarks from parents all over the country that they’re more awake about this issue now than they were even last fall.” People regularly send her videos of other parents who brought Gender Queer to their school board meetings. “Other parents are taking the baton and running with it,” Langton observes, “and they have the courage now to speak up.”

At least 17 states have passed restrictions on the teaching of CRT-based concepts in public schools; others are expected to follow suit this legislative session. Some states, including Florida, have also passed bills cracking down on the teaching of radical sexual and gender ideology in the classroom. School board recalls hit an all-time high in 2021, according to Ballotpedia. That dissatisfaction has even reached deep-blue areas like San Francisco, where voters recalled three school board members by landslide margins in February.

The institutional conservative world has also coalesced around the parents’ agenda: think tanks (including City Journal’s publisher, the Manhattan Institute) are producing model legislation for CRT bans, sending scholars to testify before state legislatures on the topic, and committing resources to bridging the gap between the Beltway and the grassroots. In December 2021, Rufo helped the Heritage Foundation produce a mission statement of sorts for the parents’ movement, signed by numerous heavy-hitters in the world of conservative education policy. “The entire movement has shifted in the last two years,” says Rufo. “Critical race theory provides us with what I believe is the proof of concept and the political model for how to fight these fights. At the beginning, when I was first reporting on CRT and working on the activism side of the issue, a lot of the more establishment political and intellectual figures were hesitant. But if you fast-forward a year, pretty much the entire movement is on board.”

At the legislative level, rising Republican stars like Florida governor Ron DeSantis have cut their teeth on the school issue. DeSantis broke through with conservatives during the pandemic, when he made the difficult decision to force school districts to reopen, over the objections of unions, many health officials, and the national media. As the pandemic subsided, and the debates over curricular issues emerged, the governor passed an aggressive slate of bills addressing everything from CRT and gender ideology to viewpoint diversity, civics education, and parental rights.

“In part what elevated it was parents bringing this forward, saying, ‘this was in my child’s textbook,’ or ‘my child’s teacher wrote these odd things on the whiteboard,’ ” an official in DeSantis’s office explains. “We started asking about what avenues we had to investigate this because first off, a lot of this content, just historically, it’s fiction. Second, it’s a very indoctrinating—kind of brainwashing—type of curriculum. And third, it’s taking away time from the curriculum standards that schools are required to teach.” Complaint after complaint came in, the official says—“from districts, from different schools, and from teachers themselves, saying, ‘I’m not comfortable teaching this. I know it’s fiction. I know it’s not accurate. Why am I being told to teach this?’ ”

Other states have followed suit. In Texas, Governor Greg Abbott signed laws aimed at combating CRT and renewing civics education in public classrooms, and Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick has made a ban on instruction surrounding sexual and gender ideology—akin to Florida’s hotly debated Parental Rights in Education Bill—a “top priority” for the next legislative session. States such as Alabama have already passed laws aimed at combating gender ideology in public schools. South Carolina governor Henry McMaster launched “a comprehensive investigation into the presence of obscene and pornographic materials in public schools in South Carolina.” And Republicans like Glenn Youngkin have run and won on the curriculum issue. In 2021, the gubernatorial candidate staged an upset victory in typically blue Virginia by tapping a reservoir of parental dissatisfaction, polling ahead of his Democratic opponent among parents of K–12 students by nearly 20 points in the lead-up to the election.

Public opinion appears firmly with the Right in these debates. Florida’s parental rights bill, dubbed the “Don’t Say Gay” law by critics, is favored by 16 points by registered voters nationwide. According to YouGov, Americans who have heard of CRT disagree that it “is something students should be exposed to in school” by 14 points.

But the education bureaucracy won’t go down without a fight. Smith’s story was only one of many examples—the parents’ movement has been widely denigrated in the media, decried by local and national politicians alike, and attacked by a constellation of powerful institutions. The National School Boards Association even asked the Biden administration in a letter to “examine appropriate enforceable actions” against school board protesters under the PATRIOT Act in September 2021. (An earlier draft of the letter requested that “the Army National Guard and its Military Police be deployed to certain school districts and related events where students and school personnel have been subjected to acts and threats of violence.”)

Some parents, like Rhode Island’s Nicole Solas, have been targeted by teachers’ unions. The stay-at-home mother is battling a lawsuit filed against her by the Rhode Island chapter of the National Education Association in response to open-records requests that she filed to learn more about the content of her children’s education. Particularly in blue states like Rhode Island, parents face an array of social and institutional pressures. “People send me screenshots of people bad-mouthing me online, in my town,” Solas tells me. “My town is extremely liberal and in a very liberal state. But I do have a lot of allies. You would never know it, because of the politics of the town. But people are really determined to get common-sense candidates in school board seats.”

“The battle for the classroom matters; it is a microcosm of questions at the root of our political divisions.”

Taking an incremental approach, parents like Solas and her many counterparts are reclaiming American schools. The battle for the classroom matters; it is a microcosm of first-principles questions at the root of our political divisions. Debates over education policy, traditionally organized around technocratic issues like public funding and school choice, have become a proxy for the nation’s broader cultural fissures—the teaching of American history, the meaning of gender, the rights of parents and families, and traditional American notions of “equality” versus a race-conscious vision of “equity.”

The Left’s treatment of the classroom debate is characterized by a fundamental antipathy to the traditional family. McAuliffe’s dismissal of the idea that parents should have a say in their children’s education has long been a feature of progressive political philosophy. Back in 2013, an MSNBC promotional video featured one of the network’s hosts denouncing “our kind of private idea that kids belong to their parents, or kids belong to their families.” In a 2021 op-ed for the Washington Posttitled “Parents Claim They Have the Right to Shape Their Kids’ School Curriculum. They Don’t”—two education-policy writers worried: “To turn over all decisions to parents . . . would risk inhibiting the ability of young people to think independently.” Speaking at a teachers’ conference earlier this year, Joe Biden declared: “They’re all our children. . . . They’re not somebody else’s children; they’re like yours when they’re in the classroom.”

The Right has a historic opportunity to position itself as the “parents’ party.” The parents’ movement is driven by the most powerful impulse of all: a desire to protect one’s children. As long as progressives are unwilling even to recognize the existence of a cultural problem in their approach to the classroom, they will continue to drive away the millions of working- and middle-class parents who may not think of themselves as conservative in the traditional sense but are repelled by college campus–style wokeness; indignant at critical race theory, gender ideology, and anti-Americanism in their children’s schools; and suspicious of the Left’s radically ambitious social-engineering schemes.

In this sense, the political earthquake in public education contains the seeds of national renewal. The art of self-government is no easy task; good citizenship must be taught. For most of our history, the education system was organized around teaching young Americans a love of justice, an understanding of the distinction between liberty and license, and a sense of patriotic duty. There’s no reason that this cannot be our future, too—across the country, mothers and fathers are demanding as much. We should listen.

Nate Hochman is a staff writer at National Review.

Crooked Joe Has Known The Fix Is In FOR 40 YEARS!

November 8, 2022

Does Joe Biden Know The Fix Is In?

By Matt Keener at American Thinker:

On November 3, 2020, as election night rolled into election morning, Jill and Joseph Biden walked out alone on stage to stand before a crowd of brand-new Jeeps. “We feel good about where we are. We really do,” Joe Biden said to the occasional honk from the vehicles.

It was an odd scene on an odd election night—with Michigan, Wisconsin, Georgia, Nevada, North Carolina, and Pennsylvania determined too close to call.

Just as oddsmakers and media pundits began tipping their hand—that somehow Trump had managed to pull it off again—network broadcasts announced, almost in unison, that states were largely done counting for the evening. They would need more time.

Jill Biden, wearing a cloth mask and occasionally clapping, stood next to her husband as he reassured the audience that, although this election night was unprecedented, things were all going exactly as they planned.

“I’m here to tell you tonight we believe we are on track to win this election. We knew because the unprecedented early vote and mail-in vote it was going to take a while,” he said. “We were going to have to be patient. It ain’t over till every vote is counted.

In the end, when every vote was counted, five of the six states would award their electoral votes to now President Biden.

From the early and mail-in voting to which Biden referred to the now famous election night “pause” that is not a pause depending on whom you ask, much of the 2020 election was indeed extremely rare or unprecedented. Battleground states Florida and Ohio went to Trump—a two-state parlay winner that forecasted the Presidential Election successfully in every election since 1960.

So-called “bellwether counties,” counties that typically predict the winner, sided with Trump 18 out of 19 times. Before 2020, these 19 counties voted for the eventual winner of the Presidential election every time from 1980 until 2020.

Yet, in the wee hours of the morning, here was Biden, standing confident.

Feeling good…We really are. We are still in the game in Georgia, although, that’s not one we expected,” Biden says and smirks slyly at the time. “Feeling real good about Wisconsin and Michigan. And by the way—it’s going to take time to count the votes, but we are going to win Pennsylvania. Talking to the folks in Philly, Allegheny county, and Scranton and they’re really encouraged by the turnout and what they see….”

At the time, Biden was down by 700,000 votes in Pennsylvania with vote counting “paused” until the morning. And yet here he was, smiling that crooked Cheshire cat smile. Saying unequivocally that they were going to win. How did he know?

It is fair to say that people had questions even before Donald Trump insinuated that there might have been funny business at hand. Much is made of Trump’s influence or sway as if he’s the sole reason behind any doubts that swirled around the election of 2020. Many of those doubts had more to do with statistical anomalies, strange scenarios, or counting stoppages than with anything Trump said.

People had questions because they used their eyes—and they had never seen an election like this.

Image: Joe Biden’s Union Station address (edited). YouTube screen grab.

Sunlight is said to be the best disinfectant—and I would propose that the best way you counter conspiracy theories is with absolute transparency. That is what this upcoming election and voters deserve:  A restoration of confidence in their vote.

That is why Joe Biden’s 20-minute fear-mongering speech a week before a midterm election—a speech in which he could tout zero accomplishments of his own even as he conflated the attack on Paul Pelosi with Donald Trump, January 6, and “election deniers,” all while simultaneously warning this election might take days to decide as they did in 2020—is so concerning.

Biden tried to paint Republicans as extremists while hinting ahead of time that they might question this upcoming election as well. It is a heck of a warning. Is it fair to ask if it is part of their strategy? Did he just tell us their game plan?

“Extreme MAGA Republicans aim to question not only the legitimacy of past elections, but elections being held now and into the future. The extreme MAGA element of the republican party, which is a minority of that party” he said, trying to label and downplay an organic populist movement that terrifies Democrats. “It’s the driving force. It’s trying to succeed where they failed in 2020, to suppress the right of voters and subvert the electoral system itself.”

I want to be on record as saying I want every legal vote to count—preferably conducted in person, with your proof of identification an integral part of the vote.

America used to vote in that manner, in person and with a plan to announce winners on election day. Heading into Tuesday, the Covid-era loosening of absentee voting or mail-in voting still stands to play a role in the 2022 midterms.

Moreover, as happened on election night in 2020, Biden again seemed to hint that delayed, partisan vote counting is all part of the new process. Not knowing by Tuesday night who won should be expected.

“We know that many states don’t start counting those ballots until after the polls close on November 8th. That means in some cases we won’t know the winner of the election for a few days – until a few days after the election,” he warned. “It takes time to count all legitimate ballots in a legal and orderly manner. It’s always been important for citizens in the democracy to be informed and engaged. Now it’s important for a citizen to be patient as well. That’s how this is supposed to work.”

Be patient, he says. “This is how it is supposed to work.” Really?

With all due respect, Mr. President, no it is not. Americans should know their winners on election night.

If people go to bed Tuesday night with recovering stroke victim John Fetterman trailing Dr. Oz in the Pennsylvania Senate race or Lee Zeldin crushing the installed Kathy Hochul for New York Governor, only to wake up to a Democrat “miracle come from behind victory,” there will be more questions Mr. President, not fewer.

Matt Keener is a writer and small business owner from Ohio.

Only In America?

NOVEMBER 8, 2022 BY SCOTT JOHNSON at Power Line:


We noted President Biden’s commitment in remarks this past Friday to shut down coal-fired plants in “Dark night of the coal.” KJP immediately issued a written statement asserting in relevant part: “The President’s remarks yesterday have been twisted to suggest a meaning that was not intended; he regrets it if anyone hearing these remarks took offense.”

Speaking of twisted, I want to add KJP’s remarks at yesterday’s White House press briefing (transcript here). An enterprising reporter asked a question following up on the statement: “We don’t often get a very lengthy Saturday statement from you clarifying the President’s remarks from the day prior. Can you walk through what the genesis of that was and whether or not you guys thought that, perhaps, it would be politically problematic had those statements been allowed to stand?”

KJP’s answer is a classic. It combines the deceit and stupidity in the service of a bad cause that have become hallmarks of the Biden administration.


UPDATE: Andrew Sullivan has a handy if partial compilation of what I refer to above as deceit and stupidity in the service of a bad cause:

Think of the absolute assertions by the Biden administration and their media flunkies: The border is secure. Covid vaccines prevent infection. There is no CRT in high schools. The lab-leak theory and Hunter Biden’s corruption were disinformation. There is no medical debate about fast-track, affirmation-only, sex changes for minors. Inflation is caused by corporate greed. Women in college always tell the truth; and men always lie. A president can forgive student loans by fiat. Debt doesn’t matter. A woman can have a penis. The people who attack Asian-Americans are all white supremacists. The idea of individual merit is racist.

Whole thing here.

“We haven’t had a true conservative speaker since Newt Gingrich!”

November 8, 2022

After the Election

By Christopher Skeet at American Thinker:

Barring a 3 A.M. multi-million ballot dump, the Republican Party is set to take control of both the House and the Senate.  From this result, I foresee two scenarios unfolding.

First, there is the reaction of the Left, which will be not to form a circular firing squad, but rather an infantry square, firing at anything outside their insulated box.  Since the Party can never err, it must be the fault of saboteurs, hoarders, kulaks, former Republican presidents, and those insufficiently devoted to the cause.

First and foremost, they’ll blame their Useful Idiot, and before 2024 they’ll use promises of ice cream to lure him into the group home lounge to watch The Price is Right to make way for a more cognizant sock puppet.  They’ll blame Big Tech for not sufficiently censoring “misinformation.”  They’ll blame suburban white women.  They’ll blame nonexistent voter suppression.  They’ll blame white supremacy, transphobia, and ableism.   

They’ll blame the voters’ priorities, such as Chris Cillizza pooh-poohing concerns about crime by explaining to us that “perception often matters more than reality.”  The documented increase in aggravated assaults, burglaries, robberies, and motor vehicle thefts is just your perception, poor child. 

They’ll borrow from the Obama playbook, like Rep. Elissa Slotkin (D-MI) did, and lament that they again did a “poor job of communicating” their grandiose vision to the unwashed masses.  Use smaller words, fellas, smaller words. 

And they’ll flat-out bare their seething contempt for the citizenry, as David Frum did when he wrote this that “voters can’t be expected to apprehend the longer-term consequences of the votes they cast.” Frum attributes 2014 Republican election gains to fear of Ebola, and claims that Putin’s threat of nuclear war “excites” conservatives, but don’t let that sully your appreciation for the burden he carries of thinking for the rest of us. 

The Left will blame everyone and everything other than their own putrid ideology.  They’ll continue to plow forward, full steam ahead, without moderating their agenda an inch. 

Second, I fear that, having won a majority, congressional Republicans will comfortably settle into doing what they do best: keeping the chairs warm for the Democrats.  Republicans have held majorities in both chambers simultaneously with the presidency from 2003 to 2007 and again from 2017 to 2019.  This is a cumulative total of six years they’ve had free rein to enact their agenda.  What do they have to show for it?  Other than a couple tax cuts and trade deals, nothing.

Did they reform education or break the teachers’ unions?  Nope.  Bush gave us No Child Left Behind.  Did they reduce the bureaucracy?  Nope.  They expanded and empowered it, with the grotesque Department of Homeland Security, the Patriot Act, and star chamber FISA courts (now weaponized by the FBI to target American citizens on behalf of the Democrats).  Did they secure the border and begin seriously deporting illegals?  Nope.  When they do discuss immigration, they push “comprehensive” reform (i.e., amnesty) alongside their Democrat counterparts.  The last Gang of Eight four Republican representatives were Marco Rubio, John McCain, Lindsey Graham, and Jeff Flake.  Need I say more?

We haven’t had a true conservative speaker since Newt Gingrich.  Dennis Hastert was a sexual predator.  John Boehner was a literal crybaby.  Paul Ryan was beyond useless, and is one of only two adults ever to have been alpha-maled into obscurity by Joe Biden.  At least Corn Pop fought back. 

Mitch McConnell is the leader of the RINO Old Guard.  Yes, I know, he has been instrumental in getting federal and Supreme Court justices appointed.  Give credit where credit is due, even if it’s the bare minimum we should expect.  But other than this, what does he have to show for 36 years in the Senate?

When Donald Trump unexpectedly won in November 2016, along with a majority in both houses, Republican leadership had over two months to draft legislation (or, better yet, dust off legislation they should have already drafted) that they could have had on Trump’s desk on January 21st.  By February, they could have had the wheels in motion to secure the border, repeal ObamaCare, drain the bureaucracy, reform education, and forward a myriad of solutions that they’d been campaigning on for the entire Obama presidency.  Instead, they had absolutely nothing ready to go. 

Trump’s many accomplishments were achieved despite the Republican Congress.  The wall construction, Middle East peace deals, deregulation, energy independence, destruction of ISIS, Operation Warp Speed, strangulation of surrender to Iran, and Paris nuttery were largely done via his constitutional authority as President.  He also singlehandedly converted more minority voters than any other Republican in living memory. 

But nothing enrages narcissists like exposing their utter uselessness.  McConnell opposed Trump not because of policy or ideological differences, but because Trump publicly humiliated him by displaying his expendability on live TV for the nation to see.  McConnell never forgave him for this slight.  Trump has been out of office for nearly two years, but McConnell continues to nurse his grudge by pulling money from any Republican candidate deemed too “pro-Trump.” 

In Alaska, McConnell is backing attack ads against candidate Kelly Tshibaka, a conservative running to unseat the swamp creature Lisa Murkowski (who, like Liz Cheney, now endorses Democrats running against Trump-backed Republicans).  In Arizona, he pulled nearly $10 million in ads from the hotly-contested Senate race because Trump-backed candidate Blake Masters publicly criticized him.  In New Hampshire, he cut $5.6 million from Republican candidate Don Bolduc for stating that he would not support McConnell as Senate leader. 

Arizona and New Hampshire are down to the wire, and if we lose, we can reasonably attribute these losses to McConnell’s decision to not support our candidates.  He has proven that he is more concerned with his ego and his retention of power than the protection of our constitutional liberties.  He’d make a great Democrat. 

What gives me hope that I am wrong is that McConnell (along with Romney who, in a 51-49 Senate, could emerge as the Democrats’ new favorite “maverick”) is among the last of this Old Guard.  The Bushes and the Cheneys, along with most prominent RINOs like Ben Sasse, Jeff Flake, and John Kasich, have been relegated to fiddling alongside Nero. 

Assuming they win, newly-minted senators Masters, Holduc, and Tshibaka will be in no mood to take marching orders from McConnell, nor likely will Herschel Walker, Mehmet Oz, or J.D. Vance.  Facing original Tea Partiers Ted Cruz, Rand Paul, and Mike Lee, and other true conservatives like Tom Cotton, Joni Ernst, and Josh Hawley, the RINO clingers must realize that a steadily growing permanent class of younger senators are edging them out the door. 

But we have to be on them like white on rice.  The Left is willing to lose a Joe Manchin or Krysten Sinema in one election if it means possibly electing a True Believer the next time around.  They play the long game well.  We are gradually learning to do the same, but we need to keep up the pressure. 

In the meantime, Joe Biden’s veto pen shouldn’t be an excuse for our new majority to do nothing.  For the next two years, the Democrats should be up to their eyeballs in congressional subpoenas.  Investigations should be launched against Alejandro Mayorkas, Anthony Fauci, Mark Zuckerberg, Merrick Garland, the Dobbs leaker, and everyone who had any operational-level decision-making with Russiagate, the Hunter laptop coverup, the COVID lockdowns, and the Mar-a-Lago raid.  They should subpoena the release of all security video from January 6th, so the American people can see for themselves what happened. 

Republicans should withhold funding for the FBI, IRS, and DoJ until after they’ve removed political weaponization from their procedures and provided transparency to prove it.  They should withhold Pentagon funding until it reprioritizes battlefield readiness over political witch hunts and pronoun lunacy. 

And Joe Biden should be impeached.  Twice.   

Our representatives need to be periodically reminded that their authority is temporary, conditional, and exists not by birthright, but as the privilege of a private citizen.  We have the power to ensure that they earn, and continue to earn, what we’ve given them. 

The Dem America We Already Live In!



We noted President Biden’s commitment in remarks this past Friday to shut down coal-fired plants in “Dark night of the coal.” KJP immediately issued a written statement asserting in relevant part: “The President’s remarks yesterday have been twisted to suggest a meaning that was not intended; he regrets it if anyone hearing these remarks took offense.”

Speaking of twisted, I want to add KJP’s remarks at yesterday’s White House press briefing (transcript here). An enterprising reporter asked a question following up on the statement: “We don’t often get a very lengthy Saturday statement from you clarifying the President’s remarks from the day prior. Can you walk through what the genesis of that was and whether or not you guys thought that, perhaps, it would be politically problematic had those statements been allowed to stand?”

KJP’s answer is a classic. It combines the deceit and stupidity in the service of a bad cause that have become hallmarks of the Biden administration.

Jean-Pierre on the White House walking back Biden’s comments about shutting down coal plants: “It was loud and hard to hear, I think, or maybe not, exactly what was being said.” pic.twitter.com/oRHGYWNPex

— Washington Free Beacon (@FreeBeacon) November 7, 2022

UPDATE: Andrew Sullivan has a handy if partial compilation of what I refer to above as deceit and stupidity in the service of a bad cause:

Think of the absolute assertions by the Biden administration and their media flunkies: The border is secure. Covid vaccines prevent infection. There is no CRT in high schools. The lab-leak theory and Hunter Biden’s corruption were disinformation. There is no medical debate about fast-track, affirmation-only, sex changes for minors. Inflation is caused by corporate greed. Women in college always tell the truth; and men always lie. A president can forgive student loans by fiat. Debt doesn’t matter. A woman can have a penis. The people who attack Asian-Americans are all white supremacists. The idea of individual merit is racist.

Whole thing here.

Dems War Against President Trump Continues!

November 7, 2022

Yup, Trump to Blame for Salman Rushdie Attack, Too

By Jack Cashill at American Thinker:

The one thing we all knew for sure upon hearing of the hammer attack on Paul Pelosi was that Donald Trump would be held to blame.  The Democrat-Media Complex (DMC) did not disappoint.

Where the Complex really showed its stuff, however, was in holding Donald Trump indirectly to blame for the savage August attack on world-famous author Salman Rushdie.  More on this sleight-of-hand in a minute.

As to the Pelosi attack, it was business as usual at the DMC.  I will cite one example out of thousands because it typifies the way the Complex works.  Eight days after the attack, the top item on Google under the listing Donald Trump” and “Paul Pelosi” is this gem from NBC News: “The GOP has Paul Pelosi’s blood on its hands.”

NBC was actually laundering a “THINK” piece by freelance media entrepreneur and campaign adviser Arick Wierson.  In that Wierson advised conservative Jair Bolsonaro’s 2018 campaign in Brazil, it is anyone’s guess who put him up to this hit job.  The article first appeared on November 3.  By that date, anyone paying attention knew that Pelosi’s attacker was a Berkeley loon and illegal alien best known for his nudist activism and his life in a commune smothered with BLM signs, not prime MAGA recruiting territory.

The subhead clarifies the thesis of Wierson’s article: “After daily assaults by conservative pundits on TV and a nonstop feed of anti-progressive vitriol on right-wing social media, leaders of the GOP should not be able to escape blame.”  If Pelosi had not been hurt, this would be pure comedy.

The problem with “GOP leaders” is that they don’t feed “anti-progressive vitriol” to the “right-wing” social media.  I challenge NBC to produce so much as a mean tweet from Mitch McConnell or Kevin McCarthy.  I may have missed something, but I don’t recall either of the two calling millions of Americans “deplorables” or a “threat to the republic,” let alone holding a bloody replica of Nancy Pelosi’s severed head in their hands.

The DMC’s real target, of course, is mean-tweeter Donald Trump, whose photo is featured under the subhead.  Behind Trump is a crowd of people with their arms raised, the insinuation being that it is a form of Nazi salute.  In his own private corner of hell, Josef Goebbels must be green with envy.

Even Goebbels, though, would have had second thoughts about the Salman Rushdie angle.  I have a very small personal connection to this story.  Some years back, the Chautauqua Institution in Western New York, where the savage attack on Rushdie occurred, banned me from speaking there after I gave a talk questioning why the media gave Muslims a pass they did not give to Christians.

“Islamic extremists in America,” I argued, “have proven to be exactly the bogeyman that the media have long imagined the Christian right to be — patriarchal, theocratic, sexist, homophobic, anti-choice, and openly anti-Semitic.”  The next day, I read in the Chautauqua Daily, “Jack Cashill stepped outside the boundaries of civil discourse.  Several of his comments were not only provocative, but potentially harmful.”

The historically Christian institution has been desperately trying to reach out to Muslims for several decades now. Having convinced themselves that Islam was the religion of peace, the folks who run the place let their guard down.  Security for Rushdie was pitiful.